Drinking Practices and the Development of Wine Vessels in Ancient Chorasmia

Chen Jingxiu

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Archaeol Res. ›› DOI: 10.2738/AR.2026.0001
 
Drinking Practices and the Development of Wine Vessels in Ancient Chorasmia
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Abstract

Vine cultivation and the consumption of wine were rooted in the elite culture of ancient Chorasmia, probably since the early beginning of its incorporation into the Achaemenid Empire. The development of wine vessels in Chorasmia, however, took a longer process and only started to flourish since the local Antique II period (the 3rd Century BCE), when a notable Hellenistic influence held sway over most regions in Central Asia. Unlike the general Hellenistic environment in Central Asia, Chorasmia was thought to develop its material culture independently until recent studies showed evidence of Hellenistic elements in the local material culture. With the introduction of new techniques in the Antique II period, pottery making in Chorasmia experienced a time of prosperity, characterized by a new typology and a style in imitation of precious metalworks, which is especially attested by the evolution of ceramic wine vessels. It corresponds with the selective acceptance of Hellenistic culture by the Chorasmian elite, who sought to develop a new aesthetic system and practices in the newly independent polity. This paper aims to study specific types of ceramic wine vessels in Chorasmia, including amphora-rhyta, craters and a specific goblet form found at Kalaly-gyr 2. Created and produced locally, these vessels attest to a limited influence from Hellenised southern Central Asia.

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Chorasmia / Ceramics / Drinking practices / Wine vessels / Hellenism

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Chen Jingxiu. Drinking Practices and the Development of Wine Vessels in Ancient Chorasmia. Archaeol Res. DOI:10.2738/AR.2026.0001

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1 Introduction

Ancient Chorasmia was a polity located on the north-western frontiers of Central Asia, corresponding with the territories of modern Turkmenistan (the Daşoguz Region, in the north of the country) and Uzbekistan (Karakalpakstan and Khorezm), both former republics within the Soviet Union. It flourished at the lower reach of Amu-dar’ya (the Oxus River), south of the Aral Sea, while two deserts, namely Kara-kum in the south-west and Kizil-kum in the north-east, separate the area from the southern sedentary polities. With very scarce mentions in written sources of the Classical Period, Chorasmia was primarily explored and studied through the archeological endeavors of the Soviet “Khorezmian Archaeological-Ethnographical Expedition” (KhAEE) led by S. P. Tolstov and colleagues. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international archeological teams have embarked on surveys in the area. A major exploration in the Tash-k’irman oasis on the right bank of Amu-darya, a land previously unexplored in Soviet times, was undertaken by the “Karakalpak-Australian Expedition” (KAE), uncovering a regional religious complex “Tash-k’irman-tepe” and an early royal seat of Chorasmia, Akchakhan-kala (formerly named Kazakl’i-yatkan).

The initiation of Chorasmia as a polity came after its incorporation into the Achaemenid Empire during the 6th Century BCE, attested by numerous Achaemenid inscriptions and written sources by classical writers. According to Herodotus, Chorasmia was included in the sixteenth satrapy paying tribute to Darius I, together with Parthia, Sogdiana and Aria (Herodotus, Histories III.93). The name “Chorasmia” was mentioned in different records of the Achaemenid provincial lists, especially that of the Darius’s reign. Apart from political propaganda, the Achaemenid control over Chorasmia was rather indirect, mainly through the administrative system of a major satrapy, namely Bactria in this case, while retaining their local traditions and customs to the largest extent. The strategy happens to correspond with the major shift of Chorasmian material culture, exemplified by new ceramic forms in relation to the “Yaz II/III” pottery prevailed in southern areas of Central Asia. It is probably the time when vine cultivation and wine making were brought into Chorasmia, attested by the find of ceramic prototypes of the goblet on a stem, dated to the 6th to 5th Centuries BCE (infra). At the manor near Dingil’dzhe, an Achaemenid influence can be witnessed on ceramic bowls inspired by the appearance of “Achaemenid tulip bowl” (Vorob’eva 1973: 129-131, fig. 38), suggesting an imported style applied in local pottery manufacture. Another important Achaemenid legacy crucial for vine cultivation lies in the constructions of great canalisations, along with large fortifications and rural manors, which can easily work as different administrative centers for vineyards. To conclude, the early material culture of the Chorasmian polity was shaped by the Achaemenid rule, although indirectly and remotely through their administrative system built in the eastern satrapies, under a certain fundamental guideline.

At some point before the advent of Alexander in Central Asia in the 4th Century BCE, Chorasmia appeared to have terminated its subordination to Persia and became “independent.” Probably due to its relatively closed geographical position, surrounded by deserts and northern steppes, Chorasmia was excluded from Alexander’s military conquest. Consequently, the new polity underwent a period of self-development with only restricted connections with other Central Asian polities, which were then under the sway of Hellenistic colonisation following the march of the Macedonians. As studies on Chorasmian material culture further accumulated (Minardi 2015, 2016a, b, 2018, 2020), it has become more evident now that the polity was never fully cut off from the Hellenistic world, as suggested by the conventional view (cf., Tolstov 1948a).

Despite the fact that Chorasmia was left untouched during the Macedonian conquest, Hellenistic culture had exerted influence on the polity in a subtle way. As an external stimulus, it brought new technology and typology to the material culture, and eventually reshaped the ritual and daily life of the local elite, an important aspect of which is the wine drinking habit, along with practices, aesthetics and utensils related to it. Evidence regarding wine consumption in Chorasmia was always related to its upper classes, who had access to the novelty from the south and had the power to sponsor artisans and workshops familiar with Hellenistic culture. The presence of such workshops can be assured by new finds at Akchakhan-kala, including the iconography of some wall paintings and rare finds regarding Hellenistic elements. The typology of drinking vessels was largely enriched by the technical improvements since the early 3rd Century BCE, represented by the prevalence of coroplastic vessels, such as rhyta, jugs with a zoomorphic protome on the handle, and amphora-rhyta, etc. (infra).

2 Wine drinking in Chorasmia: from the Achaemenid to the Hellenistic Periods

Recent archeological evidence from grape pips has confirmed the earliest grape cultivation of Central Asia in one of the most extensively populated agricultural areas of the Bronze Age, i.e., the Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) of southern Central Asia (Chen et al. 2022: 2, fig. 1). As pointed out by scholars, the cultivation of perennial crops, especially in arid areas, usually requires reliable irrigation systems (Miller 2003; ibid.), along with a certain level of urbanism (Fuller and Stevens 2019). The precondition restricts the appearance of viniculture in Chorasmia to a period no earlier than the 6th Century BCE, when the Achaemenid Empire officially came to power in Central Asia, bringing a boom of infrastructural projects in Chorasmia, i.e., the erection of large fortifications, monumental buildings and canalisation.

The earliest evidence regarding wine consumption was found in one of the fortifications, Kyuzeli-gyr (Tolstov 1948a: 77-82; 1958: 143-153; 1962: 96-109; Vishnevskaya and Rapoport 1997). As the only known fortified stronghold built in the Antique I period (6th −4th Centuries BCE), Kyuzeli-gyr exemplified the shift of material cultures in Chorasmia after its subordination to the Achaemenids. Among the “Yaz-related” material found at the site, there is a fragmentary stem for a goblet recovered from the “lower horizon” (Vorob’eva 1959: fig. 4/11). As noted by Lyonnet (2018: 423), the presence of such vessels in Chorasmia and Sogdiana in the pre-Hellenistic period suggests a local creation of goblets in different areas of Central Asia. It also attests to the appearance of the local wine making industry in that period, since the goblet is one of the most common drinking vessels for wine.

Furthermore, evidence found at the manor near Dingil’dzhe, dated to the 5th Century BCE, seems to verify wine making activities in the area. Carbonised grape pips (Vitis vinifera ssp. sativa, a type closely associated with wine making) were found in Room 13, while Room 18 was thought to be the possible place for wine making (Vorob’eva 1973: 56, 81, 208). Archaeological surveys in the same area uncovered many ancient vineyards and farmlands, in relation to which are irrigation networks built in the Achaemenid period (ibid., 207-208; Andrianov 1969: 122-123, fig. 35). The pottery assemblages found at the site saw a notable development of drinking vessels, represented by various new types of thin-walled red slipped bowls, sometimes with a carination on the body (ibid., figs. 37-38), one-handled jugs to pour the wine (Fig. 1/22,23,25), vessels on low pedestal bases (Fig. 1/17,18,21) and more fragmentary stems for goblets (Fig. 1/19,20). These ceramic types are new to the typology of Chorasmia, suggesting the early attempts to make fine drinking wares by local potters. It also reflects the new demand for drinking vessels to adapt to the newly adopted drinking practices by the upper classes in Chorasmia, following the examples of the Achaemenids in their feasts and ceremonies.

It is plausible to speculate a developed wine culture in Chorasmia under the Achaemenids, given the production of wine as a key component in the religious, social and economic life of the Achaemenid world. Apart from the nature of wine as an important economic product, wine was also frequently used in ritual, religious and ceremonial contexts. In the following Antique II period (3rd to 1st Centuries BCE), evidence with regard to this became more complex, echoing with some new elements of the Greek Dionysian tradition. At the Ceremonial Complex of Akchakhan-kala, a religious monument officially set by the royal family (Betts et al. 2016), archeologists of KAE found a terracotta mold of a satyr’s head and a precious piece of rhyton made of ivory along with the wall painting depicting a vine above one figure, hinting at certain Dionysiac character in the ritual scene (Minardi 2016b). Arrangements in coincidence with this were observed in the subsequent royal seat of Chorasmia at Toprak-kala (1st/2nd −4th Centuries CE, Nerazik and Rapoport 1981; Rapoport and Nerazik 1984), located close to Akchakhan-kala. Grapes, vines and grape leaves became frequent decorative motifs in many wall paintings and bas-reliefs at Toprak-kala, some of which were thought to depict some sacred scenes, e.g., the “woman picking fruits” paintings in Room 39 (Tolstov 1948b: 176, fig. 48; Rapoport and Nerazik 1984: 141). The Dionysian theme was further attested by a satyr’s head bas-relief found in the “Hall of the Dancing Masks,” along with another cruder mold depicting a head recognized as a satyr (Minardi 2016b: 277-279, fig. 15). Compared to Akchakhan-kala, craftsmen and artists of Toprak-kala applied grapes and vines more skilfully in different decorative motifs and sacred scenes. Meanwhile, the satyr as a mutual symbol appeared in both sites, indicating a certain selection of the Dionysian narrative adopted by Chorasmian artists.

Compared with the Antique I period, the material culture of the Antique II experienced a period of prosperity, represented by the increased diversification in vessel types. New techniques, such as the use of molds and coroplastics in pottery, boosted innovations in function and appearance, while some vessels found inspiration from precious metalworks. For instance, the jugs and rhyta decorated with a zoomorphic or anthropomorphic protome were created by local potters (Vorob’eva 1958), emulating the appearance of metallic wares, to allocate and drink wine in feasts and ceremonies. Such vessels were usually favored in ritual and ceremonial contexts in emulation of toreutics, especially in the case of ancient Chorasmia, where precious metalworks were too luxurious and scarce.

3 Ceramic amphora-rhyta: a ritual wine vessel

Among all the vessels in imitation of metalworks, the amphora-rhyton is a unique type that was undoubtedly made to be used in ritual ceremonies. Very few ceramic specimens were found in the Iranian world, while toreutic analogies have a longer history, dating back to the Achaemenid time. While it resembles a Greek amphora in appearance—featuring a two-handled body with a narrow neck—the presence of two spouts projecting from the base makes it functionally close to a rhyton (a pierced flowing vessel). The combination of amphora and rhyton on this vessel is interesting in itself, as it borrows from two vessel types of Greek and Persian traditions, respectively. In Persepolis, two-handled metal wares close to it with zoomorphic (probably lion) protomai can be found on the reliefs at the Apadana showing tribute paid to Darius I by Syrian (Fig. 2/a) and Armenian (Fig. 2/b) delegates, yet neither vessel seems to be pierced on the bottom. The one on the Armenian scene has a spout on one of the handles, to which a close analogy was found in Thrace (Fig. 4/b), probably the earliest prototype of amphora-rhyton (infra).

In Chorasmia, two mostly complete amphora-rhyta were found at Kalaly-gyr 2 (Fig. 3/a, b). With the complete shape, we can recognize two more base sherds found earlier at the “lower horizon” of Koi-Krylgan-kala (Fig. 3/c), roughly contemporary with the finds at Kalaly-gyr 2. Both sites were considered to be non-secular in main function by their excavators (Vainberg 2004; Tolstov and Vainberg 1967), probably as regional ceremonial centers (Vainberg 2004: 237 ff.). The location where amphora rhyta were found at Kalaly-gyr 2 is close to a small altar niche, possibly related to the “god of oaths” (ibid.: 68, 239). The two symmetric spouts on the bottom of the amphora-rhyton would be ideal for making agreements between two parties.

All specimens were made of fine red clay with glossy red slip coated on the exterior, representing the typical local production. The two complete vessels resemble the style of some precious metal wares, characterized by handles decorated with lion’s protomai and appliques in the shape of certain beasts (probably lion, four in total) on the shoulder. One specimen even has vertical grooves on the body, in imitation of the grooves on some metal wares. These relief decorations were produced separately, either hand-modeled or molded — the latter approach is usually applied when making complex zoomorphic or anthropomorphic attachments. Such techniques appeared in Chorasmia no earlier than the Antique II period, when Hellenistic culture became widespread in Central Asia (Minardi 2015). The improvements in pottery-making techniques stimulated the emulation of precious toreutics, as in the case of amphora-rhyta.

The closest toreutic prototype of the Kalaly-gyr 2 amphora-rhyta can be found at the Panagyurishte Treasure (Tsonchev 1955; Venedikov 1977; Marazov and Fol 1977; 1998) of ancient Thrace (ca. 4th Century BCE). The treasure consists of nine gold vessels, including a variety of rhyta, such as jug-rhyton and amphora-rhyton. As a Persian origin vessel, the rhyton had typological innovations by local craftsmen with a new taste characterized by luxurious relief decorations with motifs inspired by or directly borrowed from the Hellenistic Culture. As in the case of a gold amphora-rhyton, reliefs of figures from Greek mythology almost covered the whole body of the vessel (Fig. 4/a). In addition to the evident Greek iconography, the typology itself, i.e., amphora as a classic Greek vessel, and the advanced techniques of goldsmithing are both indicative of a strong Greek influence or craftsmanship (probably a product of the late 4th Century BCE).

It appears that the earliest prototype of amphora-rhyton was brought into Thrace as a gift from the Achaemenid royal court or a satrapy under the Achaemenid rule (Rehm 2010: 173-174), represented by the partly gilt silver amphora from Duvanli (Marazov and Fol 1977:74; Fig. 4/b). Comparable to the one among the Armenian tributes on Persepolis reliefs (supra), the Duvanli silverware has different zoomorphic decoration on the two handles, while a spout was opened on one side of the handle. It is unlikely that this vessel had once been widespread in the Achaemenid period, given the scarcity of comparable examples. From the tribute relief and the Duvanli silver one, this variant of amphora was probably made on a small scale and, as a satrapal product, transferred through the Empire’s trading network.

In the territory of Iran and some regions of Central Asia, ceramic imitations of the amphora-rhyton were found in the post-Achaemenid period, while their appearance tends to be simple without many coroplastic attachments. One example found at Tall-i Takht of Pasargadae (Fig. 5/a, Stronach 1978: 184, pls. 171,172, fig. 114/6) was ascribed to ca. 3rd Century BCE by the excavators. Despite the overall simple appearance, its most remarkable character is the presence of two spouts on the rounded bottom, resembling the horns of an ibex. A close but rather late analogy (Fig. 5/b) to this was found at Begram II (Ghirshman 1946: pl. XLI, B.G.465), dated to the local Kushan period (ca. 2nd Century CE). Although handles and the upper part are missing, the shape of the spouts on the bottom is clearly derived from the Pasargadae example. In Sogdiana, a bottom sherd belonging to the same kind was found at Afrasiab (Shishkina 1974: fig. 3/6), among the assemblage of various jugs and craters which could roughly date to the local Hellenistic period. Another late parallel (Hansman and Stronach 1974: 19 and note 21, fig. 5/1; Fig. 5/c) of the Parthian period (ca. 1st Century BCE) further attests to the continuity of such vessels in the heartland of Persia. It abandoned coroplastic decoration, with spouts projecting longer from the rounded bottom, which to some extent makes it more like a pure ceramic vessel.

Although with a possible origin dating back to Persian satrapies of the 5th Century BCE, the later amphora-rhyta are distinct from earlier ones, with an intentionally symmetric design—two handles to hold and two spouts to drink from, which, as aforementioned, is ideal for using between two parties. It coincides with the location of the Kalaly-gyr 2 amphora-rhyton next to an altar niche, in front of which certain rites were performed and beheld by the “god of oath”. By drinking the wine flowing from two different spouts of the vessel, the rite could eventually be complete and legitimised by the god. In the post-Achaemenid period, probably inspired by similar toreutics, the ceramic amphora-rhyton was created to be used in such a rite as an emulation of more precious gold or silver wares. As a legacy of the Achaemenid Persia, it appeared in the Iranian world, including Iran itself and the territory of some former satrapies, and continued to develop in Central Asia in the following Hellenistic and Kushan periods. Among all the ceramic examples, Kalaly-gyr 2 ones are the richest in decoration, representing a style influenced by the Hellenistic south.

4 New ceramic wine vessels at Kalaly-gyr 2

Apart from the amphora-rhyta, excavations at Kalaly-gyr 2 unravelled several wine vessels regarding cultural influences from some regions of southern Central Asia, especially Sogdiana and north Bactria. These new types, along with their parallels found at Akchakhan-kala and Koi-Krylgan-kala “lower horizon,” reflect new drinking practices and lifestyle pursued by Chorasmian elites who yearned to establish a new aesthetic and value system in the society to symbolise their prestige and control over the newly independent polity.

One vessel type closely related to the diffusion of Hellenistic material culture is the crater—a widely open or slightly closed vessel resting on a molded pedestal or ring foot base. In Greek culture, craters were traditionally made to large dimensions for diluting wine with water. It was usually made of metal or pottery and put in the dining room. Along with the adoption of Hellenistic cultures, craters were widespread in a vast area of Central Asia, e.g., Afrasiab (Shishkina 1974: fig. 3/13; Lyonnet 2018: fig. 3/3), Ai-Khanoum (Gardin 1973:145-147, fig. 20, pl.118, 134; Rapin 1992: pl.71/53-57; Lyonnet 2013: figs. 96-100), Begram (Ghirshman 1946: pls. XXIX, XL, LI) and Taxila (Marshall 1951: pl.122/40-42).

In Chorasmia, evidence regarding the presence of craters used to be vague, until excavations at Kalaly-gyr 2 uncovered a variety of complete or restorable specimens (Fig. 6), considerably enriching the corpus. Abundant bases of various kinds also enable the identification of several fragmentary bottom sherds from the “lower horizon” of Koi-Krylgan-kala (Tolstov and Vainberg 1967: tab.3/45, 49) and Akchakhan-kala (Chen 2023: fig. 71/0426). The craters, despite their relatively large volumes, are among the highest quality of pottery making in Chorasmia, characterized by very fine red paste usually coated with glossy red slip. A few specimens even have complex anthropomorphic appliques on the body (Fig. 6/21). It is interesting to note, though, that some Kalaly-gyr 2 craters appear to retain more indigenous traits in rim and body morphology, different from those commonly seen in southern Central Asia. Some popular types in Afrasiab and Ai-Khanoum, i.e., wide-necked form with a sinuous body (e.g., Gardin 1973: pl.134/75-77; Lyonnet 2013: fig. 96), wide-opened form with a T-shaped/horizontal rim (Lyonnet 2013: fig. 97), are missing at Kalaly-gyr 2, while narrow-necked forms with everted, flattened or bevelled rims instead are more common. Nevertheless, the general resemblance between Kalaly-gyr 2 and Ai-Khanoum craters (e.g., Gardin 1973: fig. 20; Rapin 1992: pl.71; Lyonnet 2013: fig. 100) is still undeniable, regarding the morphology of bases which could further compare with some Greek examples (Rotroff 1997: fig. 1). This testifies again to the attribute of local pottery production, which, instead of fully embracing foreign styles, tended to create indigenous adaptations while to a large extent retaining local traits.

Another noticeable drinking vessel is the goblet or cup, of which a rare form found analogies at Ai-Khanoum and Afrasiab. This form found at Kalaly-gyr 2 appears to be different from common types found at contemporary sites in Chorasmia, characterized by a cylindric-conical body usually with a sharp carination or ridge (Fig. 7/A). Its appearance is close to the goblet on pedestal base popular in Antique II and III periods in Chorasmia, yet the latter form usually has a rounded body without pronounced carination. There are very scant comparable specimens found in Chorasmia, except for a few examples from Akchakhan-kala (Fig. 7/B), although their similarities in morphology are subtle. In comparison, we can find abundant parallels to it in southern Central Asia, at Ai-Khanoum (Lyonnet 2013: fig. 120/9-16; Fig. 7/D) and Afrasiab (Lyonnet 1998: fig. 2/21, 22; Fig. 7/C). This form appears to exist for a long time at the latter two sites, since the earliest period of Ai-Khanoum—roughly corresponding to the Afrasiab period IIA, which, according to Lyonnet (2018), lasts for a rather short-term in the early 3rd Century BCE—until higher footed or stemmed goblets with an overall elongated shape became popular in the early 1st Century BCE (Afrasiab III). Moreover, an evolution of the foot can be observed, from disc, flat or low-footed of the Afrasiab period IIA to high-footed or stemmed ones of the Afrasiab period III (ibid.). At Kalaly-gyr 2, due to the lack of precise stratigraphy and secure radiocarbon dates, it has been hard to give an absolute chronology. Nevertheless, a few examples with higher solid foot are in parallel with that of the Afrasiab period III, which could date them to a slightly later period around the mid-1st Century BCE, i.e., the turn of Antique II and III periods. It corresponds to the increasing number of high-footed goblets in the early Antique III period, attested by finds in the “middle and upper horizons” of Koi-Krylgan-kala (Tolstov and Vainberg 1967: tab.4/28-39).

To conclude, the site Kalaly-gyr 2 witnessed the increasing Hellenistic influence on the material culture of Chorasmia and the connections with regions of southern Central Asia, namely Sogdiana and north Bactria. Hellenistic elements at the site were earlier attested by wooden objects (Bolelov and Dvurechenskaya 2004: 269-270), the holemouth cylindrical jars (Vainberg 2004: fig. 3/11; Chen 2023: 115) and eventually by new types of wine vessels.

5 Summary

As one of the hallmarks of Chorasmian material cultures of the Antique II period, the development of ceramic wine vessels, i.e., rhyton, amphora-rhyton, craters and goblets, etc., is in accordance with the socio-political evolution in Chorasmia that occurred probably around the 4th /3rd Century BCE, in the aftermath of its separation from the Achaemenid world. In the long time under the Achaemenid control, wine production and consumption had become widespread in the polity, particularly among the elite. Meanwhile, wine vessels, either metal or ceramic, were scant and still at a primary stage, with very limited data on ceramics, until a new stimulus appeared, namely the Hellenistic influence from the south, bringing the new dynamism to local manufacture. New techniques allow detailed sculpture of humans, animals and scenes on ceramic wares, boosting the emergence of a new style imitating the appearance of precious toreutics, most of which are wine vessels. Among these new types, there is a vessel deliberately created for ritual purposes, i.e., the amphora-rhyton. Its metal prototype existed in Achaemenid Persia from an early time, probably as a gift from satrapies in the Caucasus area, while the closest analogy to the Chorasmian amphora-rhyton was found in the Hellenistic period. It appears that wine had been used in multiple ritual ceremonies since early times, while the introduction of Hellenistic wine culture brought a new taste to it. The find of ritual wine vessels further attests to the development of drinking practices, led by the socio-cultural transformation in Chorasmia in the early 3rd Century BCE. The new elite classes craved for novelties to symbolise their prestige, and these could only come from another advanced civilisation different from the Achaemenid Persia, in that case, the Hellenistic one. The pursuit of new typology stimulated innovations and enhancements in manufacturing techniques and vice versa. Several wine vessels found at Kalaly-gyr 2 were associated with pottery from the Hellenistic south, especially Sogdiana and north Bactria, which could be the possible source of the Hellenistic culture spread into Chorasmia.

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